ON APRIL 23, the PLO delegation to Gaza succeeded in achieving an acceptable mechanism for a national unity agreement to end seven years of division in the Palestinian political system. 

The unity announcement came openly in a common press conference in Gaza that was attended by the PLO delegation and Hamas leaders Isma’eel Hanieh, Mahmoud el-Zahar and others.

The PLO delegation consisted of Azam el-Ahmad, member of the central committee of Fatah, Bassam Salhi, general secretary of the Palestinian People’s Party, Mustafa Barghouti, general secretary of the National Initiative, Jameel Shihadeh, general secretary of the Palestinian Front and Muneeb el-Masri.

As a result of the agreement, a unity government will be formed by President Mahmoud Abbas within five weeks and presidential and parliamentary elections and elections to the national council of the PLO will take place within six months. 

The Israeli government responded by “withdrawing” from peace talks, ending the nine months of the so-called Kerry initiative. After all, this is not the first such agreement. It follows unfulfilled agreements from 2012 in Cairo and Doha, 2011 in Cairo, 2007 in Mecca, and, before that, 2005. 

We hope that the current agreement, even if minimal, will yield positive results. New developments in the Middle East have made the Palestinian reconciliation a necessity.

Although the Palestinian People’s Party along with all other Palestinian political organisations and the majority of the PLO executive committee (excluding Fatah) have rejected Secretary of State John Kerry’s so-called guidelines and the negotiations, Mahmoud Abas decided to go on with this fruitless exercise. 

As a matter of fact, our rejection of these negotiations was an answer to the stagnant Israeli position which refused to comply with the international resolutions concerning the Palestinian problem and declined to freeze the settlement activities and recognise the 1967 borders, as the borders between two independent states. 

During nine months of negotiations the Israeli government killed 61 Palestinians, advanced more than 14,000 units in Israeli settlements for more than 55,000 new settlers, conducted almost 4,500 military operations inside Palestinian land, demolished 196 Palestinian homes and closed its eyes to more than 660 settler terror attacks against Palestinians. Since the resumption of negotiations Israel has conducted 4,500 military raids and arrested 3,674 Palestinians.

According to the data supplied by the Israeli Interior Ministry, between 1967 and 2013 Israel revoked the residency of 14,309 Palestinians from east Jerusalem.  

In addition, this policy has been reflected at the negotiating table by a new condition — that the Palestinians should recognise Israel as a Jewish state as well as questioning the ability of President Abbas to represent all the Palestinians. 

Israeli officials constantly questioned the ability of Abbas to make peace. World leaders visiting Israel have been faced with the question: shall we make peace with Gaza or the West Bank? 

A

s the main beneficiary of Palestinian division, Israel has worked to perpetuate it. But after the announcement of the reconciliation agreement Israel contradicted its own argument — suddenly peace became impossible because of Palestinian unity and Israel withdrew from the negotiations. 

This expansionist policy was the main reason behind the failure of the negotiations and as a result the negotiating process has led to another dead-end and more losses.

On the side of Hamas, the overthrow of ex-president Mohammad Morsi in Egypt, the loss of its base in Syria, a reduction of Iranian support, Saudi-led suspicion of everything related to the Muslim Brotherhood and the closure of tunnels by Egypt have all intensified pressure and hemmed in the Islamist group politically, militarily and geographically. 

With all the developments and pressures mentioned above, signing this agreement, at this time, became an utmost necessity for all sides and a matter of high national interest and a vital tool for survival. Now all the Palestinian people stand to gain from implementing this agreement.

The Palestinian desire for unity and the legitimacy that might accrue from ending the division and from new elections, bolstered by an EU position that is contrary to the US-Israeli one, should indicate to the Palestinians that a unity government must rethink the negotiations approach, recognise the failure of talks and US unilateral mediation, and chart a new Palestinian strategy moving forward. 

Any strategy that deviates from US-dominated mediation will force the PLO to contend with huge pressures from the US and Israel, among other challenges. But this also presents an opportunity – in achieving such independence, the unity government could enlist the support of other international players. 

It is time that President Abbas and the PLO seriously examine options that they have previously mentioned only as threats to Israel, such as applying — as a state — to all 63 international organisations and agreements which are affiliated to the UN and not only to the 15 agreements that it has declared an interest in until now. 

These dead-end talks again clarify that Israel uses negotiations only as a delaying tactic to continue its settlement project and has no intention of allowing the establishment of a viable, sovereign Palestinian state. 

Following a 21-year “peace process,” new options have become existential needs rather than radical ideas. 

Talking about dissolution of the Palestinian Authority and debating a one-state solution cannot replace the two-state solution and will not provide an alternative path to self-determination and sovereignty. The current Israeli policies, if continued, will lead to the collapse of the PA and, should that happen, Israel must be held responsible. 

Genuine international and Arab support and solidarity is needed now to defeat this threat and to make Israel comply with the international law and resolutions.  

nHanna Amireh is a member of the executive committee of the PLO