The current and well-publicised difficulties in the political process in the north of Ireland go to the heart of the issues and difficulties involved in making political change and progress in a post-conflict situation.

The focus for this has been the recent all-party talks chaired by US diplomats Richard Haass and Meghan O'Sullivan, and their subsequent proposals to deal with contentious issues of flags and emblems, contentious Orange parades and dealing with the legacy of the past.

The failure of the leadership of political unionism to accept the very reasonable compromise deal which was on the table and their resistance to take forward progressive change is also underpinned by the failure of the British government, which essentially allows intransigence to continue.

The recent Haass talks were an attempt to bring closure to issues which have been unresolved since the 1998 signing of the Good Friday Agreement.

The agreement's core principles stand for building a society based on a genuine shared future - in particular on core principles of equality, mutual respect and parity of esteem for all cultures.

This was a significant break with the past and an absolutely essential element of the peace process.

Of course, while huge progress has been made, many other important issues remain outstanding - not least a Bill of Rights and essential bodies such as the Civic Forum, to give expression to the immense goodwill which exists in civil society, such as the trade unions, community, business and many other organisations.

The consequence of the failure to date to deal with issues under consideration by Haass has been visible to all - an increase in violent protests and activity by the tiny minority who do not wish to see progress.

The so-called flags protests, sectarian marches, attacks on churches and homes and the attacks on other elected politicians have been evident over the past year.

The failure, and in some cases complicity, of unionist leaders during all of this cannot continue for another year.

The Haass talks took place in this context. As Martin McGuinness pointed out recently, in contrast to the unionist leaderships, these negotiations were marked by a willingness on the part of republicans to take risks and to seek to make agreements which consolidate the peace process.

However, regrettably political unionism did not come to the table with the same intent, which is not only a mistake but a disservice to the vast majority of people and in particular the ordinary unionists who want to see their political leaders make agreements and be peacemakers.

Many people are very frustrated at the failure of political unionism to so far take that leap into a better future.

The issues involved in the Haass talks are not going away and have to be resolved.

It is not tolerable to allow these matters to hold back progress and even worse contaminate the daily business of trying to deliver for citizens who want to see welfare, education, health and other issues to the fore, not those we have spent so much time on over the past 12 months.

Of course all of our communities in Ireland - just as in Britain - are facing the destructive impact of right-wing austerity policies.

The current British government is engaging in a doubly destructive policy of both failing to live up to its commitments over the Good Friday Agreement, while actively imposing cuts and attacks on citizens who already have to deal with the legacy of decades of conflict and the subsequent underdevelopment and economic distortions.

The Good Friday Agreement represents an ongoing process and one which allows a level playing field, if implemented fully, where the distortions of the past can be dismantled and in which our vision of a united, progressive society can be advanced.

We believe that dealing with these difficult issues addressed during the Haass talks are a next important step in this.

Attempts to filibuster the Haass proposals out of existence through a process of unending talks are a bogus idea designed to provide cover for Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) opposition, which will be exploited by the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) to avoid giving leadership and put pressure on the DUP.

The potential of the Haass proposals must not be squandered because large sections of political unionism are now locked into a sectarian electoral race to the bottom with each other.

A political vacuum needs to be avoided leading up to the May elections, which would create another negative context for this marching season.

Civic society has a crucial role and must now bring a renewed momentum to the peace process.

A recent statement from the main church leaders welcoming the Haass proposals and the initiative by the Northern Ireland Congress of Trade Unions to organise a rally in Belfast on January 31 to urge progress should be strongly supported.

Popular ownership of the peace process must be re-energised. The Haass process proved that compromises and solutions do exist to deal with our unfinished business.

Civic and community voices have to say that loudly and clearly. The DUP and UUP need to engage properly with the rest of us. The days of preconditions are over.

However, the British and Irish governments also need to also step up to the plate.

The current situation undermines the political institutions and damages the peace process.

Given the huge amount of goodwill and support which exists in Britain for continued progress - in the Irish community and the labour movement in particular - it is important that this is also given expression, to demand a step change from both British and Irish governments.

Conor Murphy is Sinn Fein MP for Newry and Armagh. He will be speaking at "After the Haass talks - what next?" at 7pm tomorrow in the Wilson Room, Portcullis House, House of Commons.