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NO-ONE can be in any doubt about the toxic legacy the Tories have left behind. Children going to school hungry. Pensioners cannot afford to heat their homes and take refuge on buses to keep warm. Record NHS waiting lists leaving people without access to life-saving treatments. Our rivers choking with waste.
Living standards have deteriorated, wages have stagnated, public services have been decimated and public trust has been shattered by rampant corruption.
All that and more is why people voted to kick the Tories out at the general election. People are desperate for change.
The real challenge for our new Labour government lies in delivering that change. Voters will judge our new government on whether it can bring meaningful solutions to the many crises they face.
There have been some positive steps so far with legislation on the public ownership of rail, stronger tenants’ rights, a public energy company in Great British Energy, the commitment to improved workers’ rights, as well as the settling of public-sector pay disputes.
But there are some deeply worrying signs, too, especially with the cuts to the winter fuel allowance, which I voted against, and strong hints of further cuts and austerity measures.
Such policies are not only wrong in and of themselves, as they would make life even more difficult for people already struggling.
They would also undermine our ability to address the Tory damage we were elected to reverse. You cannot solve the problems caused by years of cuts and austerity with yet more cuts and austerity. If we stick to that old recipe, then we risk failing and being judged harshly by the electorate.
Of course, we won a huge parliamentary majority at the general election, so some may think there is no electoral danger.
But that majority was secured with just 34 per cent of the vote, the lowest-ever share for a winning party, and on the back of the second-lowest voter turnout in a century. Only one in five eligible voters backed Labour.
As the Financial Times warned, the majority won on July 4 should not be seen as a “skyscraper” but a “sandcastle” that could be washed away in the next election.
That’s especially so, given just how volatile our politics now is. We should remember how the Conservative Party’s dominant majority at the last election dissolved so rapidly.
So, our new government cannot afford to rely solely on the disarray within the Tory Party. It must actively maintain the support it secured at the general election and rapidly build on it by offering the meaningful change people clearly want.
If it fails to deliver that, my party could face an exodus of voters, whether it be to the Greens, independents, or even the Lib Dems, who will again attempt to present themselves as a progressive alternative. Others could simply stay at home.
The far right is also waiting in the wings, ready to pounce on any disappointment with Labour. Here, mainland Europe offers a stark warning.
In France, Germany and Italy, far-right parties have surged in popularity, capitalising on economic despair, disillusionment with mainstream politics and emboldened by scapegoating and racism from politicians looking to shift the blame for their failures.
The significant vote for Reform UK and the racist far-right riots are warnings that must be heeded. The far right thrives on racism and division, and we need an alternative to stop them from setting a reactionary agenda — for example, with the pitting of pensioners against workers getting pay rises or against migrants — that is already happening.
Given Labour’s inheritance, one of the most pressing questions our Labour government faces is who should bear the costs of funding the new policies that are so badly needed.
Should it be those who have prospered during the last 14 years, amassing vast wealth while others have struggled? Or should it be those whose wages have stagnated or can barely afford to make ends meet?
For me, the tough choices should be incurred by the corporations and super-rich, for who the last few years have not been one of crisis but boom time.
There are real alternatives if we are to make those with the broadest shoulders pay. But they require a break with the “trickle-down” economics dominant since Thatcherism and a greater focus on redistributing wealth.
As Tony Benn once said, “The crisis that we inherit when we come to power will be the occasion for fundamental change and not the excuse for postponing it.”
I have been campaigning on some simple ideas. For example, by implementing a 2 per cent wealth tax on assets over £10 million, the government could raise up to £24 billion annually. Equalising capital gains and income tax rates would generate an additional £17bn. Ending subsidies to fossil fuel companies and closing loopholes in the oil and gas windfall tax could raise another £4bn.
Altogether, these measures would generate £45bn — offering vast opportunities to rebuild our public services, boost incomes and invest in building a higher-wage economy.
The money is clearly there. It just needs to be redistributed from those who have benefited in recent years to those who need it most.
So how do we get there? Labour members, trade unionists, progressives, anti-cuts campaigners, and more must organise and push for change.
Whenever a Labour government comes to power, it always faces strong pressure from right-wing newspapers, bankers, the super-rich, and all those who have done so well under Conservative rule.
Our job is to provide that counter-pressure in the battle of ideas and get our new government to deliver that real, transformative change that people are crying out for.
Richard Burgon is the MP for Leeds East. Follow him on X @RichardBurgon.